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and democratic drew onto it the inextinguishable hatred of the
Junkers and bureaucrats; that alone brought it into conflict with
authorities and courts and made it into an outlawed sect of enemies
of the state, despised by all "right-thinking people."
The other component of the program of German Social
Democracy was Marxian socialism. The attraction that the slogan
about the capitalistic exploitation of the workers and that the
promising utopia of a future state exerted on the great masses was
the basis of an imposing party and labor-union organization.
Many, however, were won over to socialism only through
democracy. As the German bourgeoisie, after the annihilating
defeats that German liberalism had suffered, submitted
unconditionally to the authoritarian state of Bismarck, as, in line
with the German protective-tariff policy, the German
entrepreneurial class identified itself with the Prussian state, so that
militarism and industrialism became politically related concepts
for Germany, then the socialist side of the party program absorbed
new strength from democratic aspirations. Many refrained from
criticizing socialism in order not to harm the cause of democracy.
Many became socialists because they were democrats and believed
that democracy and socialism were inseparably connected.
In truth, though, close relations exist precisely between
socialism1 and the autocratic-authoritarian form of state that
1
In regard to economic policy, socialism and communism are identical; both strive for
socialization of the means of production, in contrast with liberalism, which wants on principle to let
private ownership even of the means of production continue. The distinction that has recently come
into use between socialism and communism is irrelevant with regard to economic policy unless one
also foists on the communists the plan of wanting to discontinue private ownership of consumption
goods. On centralist and syndicalist socialism (actually, only centralist socialism is true socialism),
see below, pp, 195 ff.
212
Socialism and Imperialism
correspond to the essence of both.2 For that reason the
authoritarian state also did not fight socialist efforts at all as
harshly as it confronted all democratic impulses. On the contrary,
the Prussian-German authoritarian state evolved strongly toward
the side of "social kingship" and would have turned still more
toward socialism if the great workers' party of Germany had been
ready even before August 1914 to give up its democratic program
in exchange for the gradual realization of its socialistic goals.
The sociopolitical doctrine of Prussian militarism can best be
recognized in the literary products of the Prussian school of
economic policy. Here we find complete harmony established
between the ideal of the authoritarian state and that of a far-
reaching socialization of large industrial enterprise. Many German
social thinkers reject Marxism not, however, because they reject
its goals but because they cannot share its theoretical interpretation
of social and economic developments. Marxism, whatever one
may say against it, nevertheless has one thing in common with all
scientific economics: it recognizes a conformity to law in the
historical process and presupposes the causal interconnection of all
that happens. German statism could not follow it in this respect
because it sees everywhere only marks of the activity of great
kings and powerful states. The heroic and teleological
2
On the intimate relation between militarism and socialism, cf. Herbert Spencer, loc. cit., vol. 3, p.
712. The imperialistic tendencies of socialism are treated by Seillière, Die Philosophie des
Imperialismus, second edition of the German version (Berlin: 1911), vol. 2, pp. 171 ff., vol. 3, pp. 59
ff. Sometimes socialism does not even outwardly deny its intimate relation with militarism. That
comes to light especially clearly in those socialistic programs that want to arrange the future state on
the model of an army, Examples: wanting to solve the social question by setting up a "food army" or
a "worker army" (cf Popper-Lynkeus, Die allegemeine Nährpflicht (Dresden: 1912], pp. 373 ff.;
further, Ballod, Der Zukunftsstaat, second edition, [Stuttgart: 1919], pp. 32 ff.). The Communist
Manifesto already demands the "establishment of industrial armies." It should be noted that
imperialism and socialism go hand in hand in literature and politics. Reference was already made
earlier (pp. 94 ff.) to Engels and Rodbertus; one could name Many others, e.g., Carlyle (cf Kemper,
"Carlyle als Imperialist," Zeitschrift für Politik, XI, 115 ff.). Australia, which, as the only one among
the Anglo-Saxon states, has turned away from liberalism and come closer to socialism than any other
country, is the imperialistic state par excellence in its immigration legislation.
213
Nation, State, and Economy
interpretation of history seems more obvious to statism than the
causal; it knows no economic law; it denies the possibility of
economic theory.3 In that respect Marxism is superior to German [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]